by Dr. Radut

Call for Papers

Ukraine, Russia and Europe: Long Term Perspectives

Groningen Central and Eastern European Seminar, 8 november 2024

Groningen Institute for Central and Eastern European Studies, University of Groningen

More than two years into Russia’s invasion of neighboring Ukraine, the long term consequences in Central and Eastern Europe and for international order are becoming increasingly clear. The ongoing war forces Europeans to rethink international security and the future of the European Union. Moreover, the relative unexpectedness of a - in hindsight - predictable crisis requires us to ask structural questions about the state of the study of Central and Eastern Europe and their social position. Finally, Russia’s resort to religious rhetoric in support of its war effort and Ukrainian efforts to consolidate a nation necessitates rethinking the role of religion in an ostensible secular world.

The Groningen Institute for Central and Eastern European Studies (GICEES) seeks to cross disciplinary boundaries in the study of Central and Eastern Europe. We seek to offer a stage to students of history, international relations, Central and Eastern European languages and cultures and religion. In our first interdisciplinary seminar, we welcome contributions about the following topics, focussing on the long term consequences of Russia’s ongoing war against Ukraine:

1. International Security: The New Cold War?

‘The New Cold War’ is not going away any time soon. Tensions between Russia and the West in Europe are here to stay. Unclear future relations with China only adds to this. The consequences of this ‘New Cold War’ are far reaching. At the same time, there is much uncertainty: not only are geopolitical developments unpredictable, so are domestic developments. The nomenclature ‘New Cold War’, provides clarity, but is ‘Cold War’ really a good historical analogy? How can our day and age best be described? How great are the risks at a further escalation? What can be done to prevent a further escalation?

2. Europe and the World: Towards a More Geopolitically engaged EU?

Russian aggression forced the European Union to become more geopolitical. Before 2020, it was unthinkable that the EU would finance lethal weapon’s aid to a third country. Likewise, the granting of candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova shows how geopolitical imperatives have started to dictate policy. Moreover, under Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission has claimed a stronger position for itself, taking the initiative for policy shifts. On the other hand, the European Parliament elections in 2024 are forecasted to result in a stronger Eurosceptic block. Combined with the rise of Eurosceptic forces in individual member states, this poses the question how sustainable the strengthening of the EU as a geopolitical block will be. Nevertheless, becoming a more overt political player seems to be pertinent, as the foreign policy outlook of the United States looks uncertain. Will, and if, how, the EU start to undertake a more centralized security policy? Moreover, the EU’s geopolitical center has shifted to the east. It seems as if the times of contrasting ‘old’ vs. ‘new’ member states might be over. Yet, fundamental differences remain. What can be done to strengthen and protect the rule of law in Europe, in the face of Russian interference?

3. The state of Central and Eastern European Studies

The ongoing war poses questions about the state of Central and Eastern European Studies in a broader context. Calls have been made to ‘decolonize’, ‘deimperialize’ and ‘derussify’ this field of studies. Unquestionably, if non-Russian perspectives on the regions have been heard to a larger degree, Russia’s aggressive politics might have been heard earlier. Nevertheless, it remains to be explored if and how post-colonial theories can be applied to Central and Eastern Europe. Moreover, there remains the risk of heeding to nationalist narratives too much. In other words: in what ways can we understand, study and teach Central and Eastern Europe in present circumstances?

4. Religion

In the context of geopolitical developments, religion seems to make a return. Both in Russia and Ukraine the lines between state and (official) church become increasingly blurred. On the other hand, neither Russia, nor Ukraine are religiously heterogeneous. Religious minorities feel the consequences more and more. How can these phenomena be understood in an ostensibly secular Europe? How can religious freedoms be guaranteed? What are the links to conservative forces in Europe, who like Viktor Orban in Hungary or PiS in Poland rely on old tropes of their nations as ‘Bulwarks of Christianity’ to promote their policies?

We kindly request to send in proposals for a 15 minute presentation, contributions in the form of an abstract (max. 300 words) and a short CV (max. 200 words) before June 1st, 2024. Proposals can be submitted using the following form: https://r.gimoes.nl/a8.html 

For questions about this call for papers, please contact: